Sudan has accused the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of being complicit in genocide in a case filed at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), highlighting the Gulf nation’s alleged role in Sudan’s ongoing civil war.
The UAE has long faced accusations—from Sudan and others—of backing the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group engaged in nearly two years of conflict with the Sudanese army. However, Abu Dhabi denies these claims.
Sudan, one of Africa’s largest countries, is rich in natural resources, including vast agricultural lands, gas, and gold—the latter making it the continent’s third-largest producer. Its strategic location, bordering Libya and the Red Sea, makes it a key geopolitical player.
In 2021, Sudan’s army chief, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, seized power in a coup alongside his then-deputy, RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Daglo (Hemeti). Two years later, tensions escalated into full-scale fighting, with multiple regional powers—including the UAE, Egypt, Turkey, Iran, and Russia—accused of supporting different factions.
According to Andreas Krieg, a Middle East security expert at King’s College London, the UAE’s primary goal in Sudan is to secure political influence in this strategically vital country. Emirati state-linked companies view Sudan as a hub for investment in resources and trade. Sudan researcher Hamid Khalafallah adds that the resource-scarce UAE is particularly interested in Sudan’s minerals and fertile land.
From Libya to Somalia, the UAE has established a pattern of working with paramilitary groups to access Africa’s resources. A 2022 Swissaid report estimated that 66.5% of African gold exports to the UAE were smuggled. The UAE is the top buyer of Sudanese gold, a sector largely controlled by Daglo.
However, international relations professor Federico Donelli argues that Abu Dhabi’s interests in Sudan go beyond gold. The UAE seeks to counter Saudi influence and curb the spread of political Islam, which it views as a security threat. Sudan’s military has longstanding ties with Gulf states, having cooperated in Yemen’s civil war. Burhan’s forces fought under Saudi command, while Daglo’s RSF operated alongside UAE-backed troops.
While Riyadh and Abu Dhabi were once close allies, rifts have emerged. The UAE’s support for Daglo—though officially denied—undermines Saudi interests in Sudan. Additionally, the RSF opposes the Muslim Brotherhood, a group outlawed by the UAE, whereas Sudan’s army retains links to Islamist factions from former dictator Omar al-Bashir’s regime.
Both the Sudanese army and RSF have been accused of war crimes in a conflict that has killed tens of thousands and displaced over 12 million people. In January, the U.S. accused the RSF of genocide, citing mass killings and sexual violence against ethnic groups.
The same month, two U.S. lawmakers claimed the UAE had failed to halt military aid to the RSF, despite its pledges. Analysts say Daglo’s private finances are managed from the UAE, making him increasingly reliant on Abu Dhabi. Reports suggest the RSF has received arms shipments from the UAE via Chad, though the UAE denies any involvement.
On Thursday, Sudan formally filed its case against the UAE at the ICJ, alleging complicity in genocide through its support for the RSF. The UAE dismissed the lawsuit as a “publicity stunt” and vowed to challenge it.
ICJ rulings are legally binding but lack enforcement power. However, Donelli notes that the case could harm the UAE’s reputation, reinforcing its image as a destabilizing force in Africa. Still, he believes Abu Dhabi’s financial and political clout will likely shield it from serious consequences.
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